Transnational Organized Crime in the Commonwealth of Independent States: a Brief Characterization

Official statistics on Transnational Organized Crime (hereinafter – TOC) in the Commonwealth of Independent States (hereinafter – CIS) does not exist. According to some experts, more than 300 organized groups and criminal organizations in the CIS have international connections, i.e. accomplices, divisions or isolated groups in other states.[1] Most of these connections, however, are limited to the CIS countries themselves.

This phenomenon is conditioned by the nature of the respective types of TOC, with the following being the most dangerous in the CIS:

  • Terrorism;
  • Drug trafficking;
  • Trafficking in weapons and ammo;
  • Smuggling of alcohol, oil, gas and securities;
  • Smuggling of motor vehicles;
  • Laundering;
  • Counterfeiting.

TOC in the CIS does not differ that much from the TOC throughout the world, except for it has its own arguably unique features:

  • A fairly successful infiltration into the highest governmental bodies;
  • Intense association as to both effectively counter criminal prosecution and to crowd out the leading criminal structures from their markets in Europe and in the United States;
  • Focus on long-term export of illicit assets outside the CIS;
  • Frequent resort to assassinations and extortion as a means of redistribution of influence;
  • Focus on securing transport routes for drug trafficking from the Asian and Caucasian regions to the Western Europe;
  • A critically high number of criminal associations having strong connections with corrupt authorities including police, local governmental authorities and their bodies;
  • Centralization on the Moscow region as a financial bridge between criminal organizations of the CIS and the rest of the world.[2]

The development of TOC in recent decades might be considered as a process of rational reorganization of criminal enterprises on the international plane analogous to that of legal enterprises in the economic market. Besides, national and international criminal organizations’ structures are very similar to those of big corporations: both have labor division aimed at extracting maximal profits and ensuring minimal risks. TOC entities in the CIS, however, did not appear spontaneously: they were growing in numbers in proportion to the growth of political and social instability caused by rapid and erroneous changes in the economy and politics.

CIS criminals act coordinately in single criminal zones of their countries. The growth trend of TOC which is common to many countries around the world will be common to the CIS at least for a couple of decades. One can hardly believe that TOC entities will not exploit such favorable conditions as the simplified procedure for crossing the border, the establishment of free economic zones, the weakness of the legal framework governing the fight against TOC and inadequate border and customs control.

The development of international relations simultaneous to the increase of crime entails the growth of the criminal environment activities on establishing new transnational connections and the growth of the number of transnational crimes, with one of the indicators that proves such merging of criminal entities across the CIS being human trafficking.

Studies on TOC in the CIS show that there are peculiarities in the geography of criminal activities: Central Asia is favorable for drug trafficking, the Far East – for smuggling cars and extortion.

Current practices suggest that the main features of TOC entities in the CIS are:

  • Regular acquisitions of goods in countries where some members of a criminal group reside and their subsequent export to countries of other criminal members where the goods are in a higher demand;
  • The presence of mixed organized groups whose primary focus is smuggling and illegal export of large quantities of goods;
  • A large network of goods marketing operating under single leadership;
  • A network of currency exchange for illicit financial assets;
  • Export channels for illicit assets.[3]

Written by Jan Guardian


[1]     Bekryashev A., Belozyorov I., Shadow Economy and Economic Crime. Moscow: Open Society Institute (2000), chapter 3 [online][accessed: June 26, 2013].

[2]     Erkenov S., Transnational Crime: State and Transformation, Bilenchuk P. (ed.) K: Atika (1999), chapter 1 [online][accessed: June 26, 2013].

[3]     Gevorgyan G., State of transnational organized crime in the CIS, “Black Holes” in Russian Legislation 1 (2003), p. 276 [online][accessed: June 26, 2013].

Smuggling of Migrants: A Search for New Land, New Home, New Life.

Written by Garima Tiwari
In this picture, victims of human smuggling are intercepted along the Southern border of the United States of America. Photo credit/Wordpress

In this picture, victims of human smuggling are intercepted along the Southern border of the United States of America. Photo credit/Wordpress

On May 16th, 2013 Ecuador smashed a ring that smuggled immigrants from India and Sri Lanka into the US through Ecuador. Among the six people were arrested including three Indian nationals and two members of Ecuador’s immigration police. They brought in nationals from India and Sri Lanka, and arranged refuge for them in various hotels. The smugglers charged USD 5000 per person and after entering Ecuador illegally, the migrants would be sent to Central America and from there to the United States.[i]   Continue reading

Russian Organized Crime and its Trajectories

This month,  Dr. Serguei Chloukhine sits down with A CONTRARIO to discuss Russian organized crime and its impact on society. Professor Serguei Cheloukhine, is a Professor in the Department of Law, Police Science and Criminal Justice at John Jay College in New York, USA. He is the author of many articles and books on Russian organized crime, including:  Russian Organized Corruption Networks and their International Trajectories (2011). Continue reading

Mafia’s Most Dangerous Bullets: The Close Link Between Mafia and Health

Written by: Andrea Domenici, LLM International Crime and Justice, University of Turin

There is a close link between mafia and health and it is not a matter of only bullets and bombs.

Often the public reaction to Mafia groups takes place only on occasions of bloodshed, especially when these acts involve people who were able to direct public attention for their efforts against these criminal organizations. In Italy the cases of Judges Falcone and Borsellino were emblematic; the killing of the two magistrates and their bodyguards by the mafia created general indignation in the public opinion with the effect of extensive and engaging street demonstrations and the State was forced, both on a legal than an operational plan, to deal with decision against the problem of Cosa Nostra in Sicily. Continue reading

Italian Organised Crime, a silent threat to the European Union and worldwide

By David Ellero, Senior Specialist at Europol

“… do not ever forget, when you hear the progress of lights praised, that the loveliest trick of the Devil is to persuade you that he does not exist”[1].

 

When asked to write on Italian Organised Crime (ITOC), the first thing that comes into my mind is the above mentioned quote, which summarizes the main threat the latter poses to the European Union. In Italy of course the situation is quite different, since the experience Judiciary authorities and Law Enforcement have built up in the course of decades of fights against ITOC have refined both their skills and most importantly their legislative tools.

One for all, the Italian Criminal Code has a specific definition for “Mafia-type Organised Crime”[2] which constitutes a crime per se and identifies the “Mafia” as an Organised Crime Group whose participants:

  • commit criminal offences;
  • Manage or in any way control, either directly or indirectly, economic activities, concessions, authorizations, public contracts and services;
  • Obtain unlawful profits or advantages for themselves or for any other persons;
  • Prevent or limit the freedom to vote, or to get votes for themselves or for other persons on the occasion of an election,

All this by taking advantage of the intimidating power of the association.

 

In Italy it is in fact the condition of submission derived from the intimidating power of the criminal group which is tackled and inherently differentiates a group of criminals perpetrating a crime from a “Mafia-type” organised crime group.

But when I started this article, it was my intention to identify the main threat Italian Organised Crime poses to the European Union and I will therefore move forward.

Whilst in the areas of origin of the main ITOC groups[3] the latter have an extremely tight control over the territory and its population (which effectively constitutes the base of their power, to the point that often little or no crimes are committed without permission from the local Clans) this rarely happens outside, where economic power is sought rather than military.

In this period of economic turmoil, infact, the Italian Mafias face the opposite problem of legitimate businesses: the latter struggle to receive money to invest, the first have too much money and constantly attempt to inject it in the “legitimate” economy.

To give an idea of the scope of these criminal groups and their economic capabilities, the Ndrangheta alone has recently been estimated to have a 44 Billion Euro a year income, 62% of which deriving from drug trafficking alone[4].

At this point it is easy to determine the main threat these groups pose to the EU, which consists in undermining the real economy: since they do not need to produce with a margin of profit (their purpose is mainly money laundering) in the long run little or no legitimate businesses will be able to afford the competition and will be out of the market.

As a simple example, Mafias have always been particularly active in the construction industry and in the real estate market: these two fields are closely related to each other and often investigations uncover large criminal networks that manage to control all the phases related to these crime fields.

In an ideal, simplified scenario:

  • through the power of intimidation deriving from being associated to a Mafia Clan (or through corruption or simply thanks to unlimited economic resources), a certain group can acquire (in or outside Italy) a certain portion of land;
  • through links to the local administrative offices (again, corruption, infiltration or simple intimidation is often enough), the portion of land can change its destination, i.e. from agricultural use to building residential apartments;
  • Mafia-owned (or controlled) construction companies build the residential apartments;
  • Mafia-owned real estate agencies put them on sale on the real estate market;
  • “investors” are called to invest in these residential apartments, and often do so by moving assets through numerous banks located in several different countries, in order to “conceal” their real nature.

Often all the steps above are managed by the same OCG that can therefore create an effective method to launder money without exposing too much to Law Enforcement attention.

Of course if all these steps would take place in Italy, i.e., with the tools provided to the investigators by Italian law it would be quite manageable to identify this scheme and pursue those responsible. This is extremely difficult when the scheme takes place in different countries.

Firstly, as I mentioned at the beginning of this article, in Italy “Mafia” is a crime per se and can therefore be investigated effectively through wiretappings, interceptions and other technical means regardless of the predicate offence. In this scenario the investigative hypothesis would be that Mafia related subjects are carrying out a series of activities to infiltrate the real estate and this would be enough to start up an investigation. An indication that individuals sentenced for Mafia are constantly present of the construction sites or that their relatives or acquaintances are present in the companies that are carrying out the building activities on site is often key to incriminate the latter and confiscate the whole series of properties, in some cases even without a criminal sentence of the suspects[5]

Would these simple indicators be enough for another country to kick off an effective investigation? Would another country wiretap a suspect just based on his affiliation to a Mafia group? These are just a few of the key issues to which the EU legislator (EU Parliament – Committee on Organised Crime, Corruption and Money Laundering – CRIM) is currently trying to find a solution, but this is extremely difficult since EU Member States have extremely different juridical cultures.

In the meanwhile Europol has set up a dedicated project on Italian Organised Crime created to support those countries who wish to fight against these specific syndicates. Because of its position at the centre of the EU’s security architecture Europol is infact best placed to inform its operational partners on the risks linked to the presence of Italian organised crime within their respective boundaries. It’s a first step against an effective and comprehensive anti-Mafia strategy, but the only way to fight these specific OCG is by sharing all information related to them and promoting efficient Law Enforcement cooperation.


[1] Charles Baudelaire, “The Generous Gambler” (1864)

[2] Article 416 bis Italian Criminal Code

[3] Mafia in Sicily, Ndrangheta in Calabria, Camorra in Campania

[4] 2008 EURISPES study

[5] Misure di Prevenzione Patrimoniali